Economy in MoroccoEdit This

Thanks to its economic development model, which combines openness, liberalisation and structural reform, Morocco has shown resilience in a difficult national and international context. Nevertheless the slowdown in activity in Europe, which is the country’s chief economic partner, and below-average agricultural production resulted in a distinct slowdown in growth, which was 3.2% in 2012. That rate makes it impossible to reduce the high level of unemployment, especially among young graduates and women. However, growth should pick up in 2013 to reach around 4.6%, driven by the consolidation of internal demand. Some industries have been given a boost by the implementation of the 2009-15 National Pact for Industrial Emergence (Pacte national d’émergence industrielle, [PNEI]) and they should make a vigorous contribution to growth.The PNEI is the result of strategic choices made at the start of the 2000s to encourage the emergence of new centres of growth, competitiveness and jobs. Morocco has focused on encouraging niche industries for export and on international promotion of emerging services to businesses. As a result, relocation of services, the automotive sector and transport and logistics are all thriving.The economic programme of Prime Minister Abdelilah Benkirane calls for the programme commitments of the previous governments to continue, in particular in respect of social policies and public investment, while bringing down the budget deficit to 3% by 2016. It should be noted that the early reform of the compensation fund, a socially sensitive issue, is a prerequisite for achieving this goal of cutting the deficit. The fund provides subsidies for basic necessities such as cereals and sugar as well as petroleum products and in 2012 absorbed almost 20% of state revenues. Its cost amounts to nearly 6% of gross domestic product (GDP). Steps were taken in June 2012 to limit the explosion in spending but the fund still cost almost MAD 53 billion (Moroccan dinars) compared with the MAD 32 billion originally forecast. Foreign exchange reserves have been falling fast since 2008 while remittances from Moroccans overseas have been declining, so that financing the fund’s activity is the next challenge facing the country’s economy. While funding of public infrastructure and the flagship projects of the PNEI can still be covered by calling on the external market and foreign investors, household savings need to be reinvigorated. To this end banks will need to make extra efforts to mobilise these savings to avoid rationing credit in job-creating sectors such as property and small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and industries (SMIs).On the political front administrative reforms are being speeded up so that articles 156 and 167 of the new 2011 constitution relating to government administration can come into effect. But the Islamist government is the subject of criticism over progress on such major issues as the reform of the justice system or the fight against corruption. It is worth remembering that the Islamist Justice and Development Party (Parti de la justice et du développement, [PJD]) won the November 2011 elections by campaigning against corruption.Figure 1: Real GDP Growth 2013 (North)Figures for 2012 are estimates; for 2013 and later are projections.Table 1: Macroeconomic indicators 2013
 2011201220132014
Real GDP growth53.24.65
Real GDP per capita growth42.13.64
CPI inflation0.91.32.32.4
Budget balance % GDP-6.8-7.5-5.3-4.7
Current account % GDP-8-8.6-5.5-5.7
Figures for 2012 are estimates; for 2013 and later are projections.


Real GDP growth (%)Northern Africa - Real GDP growth (%)Africa - Real GDP growth (%)200420052006200720082009201020112012201320140%10%-2.5%2.5%5%7.5%Real GDP Growth (%)

Economy of Morocco

The Moroccan economy displayed a degree of resilience in a particularly difficult economic context, growing by 3.2% in 2012, driven by internal consumption and public investment. However this growth cut into foreign exchange reserves and deepened the fiscal deficit.

Funding the economy remains a major challenge if the country is to maintain its momentum, and continuing reform is essential to check the rise in public spending, particularly of the compensation fund (Caisse de compensation), that pays subsidies for oil and basic goods.

Morocco has a coherent strategy in place since the early 2000s to achieve its medium-term vision and has made a good start on structural change, with Morocco's phosphate industry – the world's biggest producer and exporter – playing a key role both from a financial point of view and as a source of growth for other sectors of the economy, though the textile industry is among those needing to reposition quickly in the face of international competition.
Morocco's economy is considered a relatively liberal economy governed by the law of supply and demand. Since 1993, the country has followed a policy of privatization of certain economic sectors which used to be in the hands of the government.Morocco has become a major player in the African economic affairs, and is the 5th African economy by GDP (PPP). The World Economic Forum placed Morocco as the 2nd most competitive economy in North Africa behind Tunisia, in its African Competitiveness Report 2009.Additionally, Morocco was ranked the 1st African country by the Economist Intelligence Unit' quality-of-life index, ahead of South Africa.



Typical of developing countries—restraining government spending reducing constraints on private activity and foreign trade and keeping inflation within manageable bounds. Since the early 1980s the government has pursued an economic program toward these objectives with the support of the IMF the World Bank and the Paris Club of creditors. The dirham is now fully convertible for current account transactions; reforms of the financial sector have been implemented; and state enterprises are slowly being privatized. Drought conditions in 1997 depressed activity in the key agricultural sector holding down exports and contributing to a 2.2% contraction in real GDP. Favorable rainfalls in the fall of 1997 have led to forecasts of robust 8%-9% real GDP growth in 1998. Servicing the external debt preparing the economy for freer trade with the European Union improving education and living standards and finding jobs for Morocco's youthful population remain long-term challenges. HI!

GDP: purchasing power parity—$107 billion (1997 est.)

GDP—real growth rate: -2.2% (1997 est.)

GDP—per capita: purchasing power parity—$3 500 (1997 est.)

GDP—composition by sector:

agriculture: 14%

industry: 33%

services: 53% (1997)

Inflation rate—consumer price index: 3% (1997 est.)

Labor force:

total: 7.4 million

by occupation: agriculture 50% services 26% industry 15% other 9% (1985)

Unemployment rate: 16% (1997 est.)

Budget:

revenues: $10.4 billion

expenditures: $10.75 billion including capital expenditures of $1.9 billion (1996 est.)

Industries: phosphate rock mining and processing food processing leather goods textiles construction tourism

Industrial production growth rate: 4.5% (1996 est.)

Electricity—capacity: 3.788 million kW (1995)

Electricity—production: 10.8 billion kWh (1995)

Electricity—consumption per capita: 411 kWh (1995)

Agriculture—products: barley wheat citrus wine vegetables olives; livestock

Exports:

total value: $6.9 billion (f.o.b. 1996)

commodities: food and beverages 30% semiprocessed goods 23% consumer goods 21% phosphates 17% (1995 est.)

partners: EU 63% Japan 7.7% India 6.6% US 3.4% Libya 3.4% (1996 est.)

Imports:

total value: $9.7 billion (c.i.f. 1996)

commodities: semiprocessed goods 26% capital goods 25% food and beverages 18% fuel and lubricants 15% consumer goods 12% raw materials 4% (1995 est.)

partners: EU 57% US 6.6% Saudi Arabia 5.3% Brazil 2.8% (1996 est.)

Debt—external: $23.4 billion (1996 est.)

Economic aid:

recipient: ODA $297 million (1993)

note: $2.8 billion debt canceled by Saudi Arabia (1991)

Currency: 1 Moroccan dirham (DH) = 100 centimes

Exchange rates: Moroccan dirhams (DH) per US$1—9.822 (January 1998) 9.527 (1997) 8.716 (1996) 8.540 (1995) 9.203 (1994) 9.299 (1993)

Fiscal year: July 1-June 30



Tough government reforms and steady yearly growth in the region of 4–5% from 2000 to 2007, including 4.9% year-on-year growth in 2003–2007 the Moroccan economy is much more robust than just a few years ago. Economic growth is far more diversified, with new service and industrial poles, like Casablanca and Tangier, developing. The agriculture sector is being rehabilitated, which in combination with good rainfalls led to a growth of over 20% in 2009.
The services sector accounts for just over half of GDP and industry, made up of mining, construction and manufacturing, is an additional quarter. The sectors who recorded the highest growth are the tourism, telecoms and textile sectors. Morocco, however, still depends to an inordinate degree on agriculture. The sector accounts for only around 14% of GDP but employs 40–45% of the Moroccan population. With a semi-arid climate, it is difficult to assure good rainfall and Morocco's GDP varies depending on the weather. Fiscal prudence has allowed for consolidation, with both the budget deficit and debt falling as a percentage of GDP.
In 2009 Morocco was ranked among the top thirty countries in the offshoring sector. Morocco opened its doors to offshoring in July 2006, as one component of the development initiative Plan Emergence, and has so far attracted roughly half of the French-speaking call centres that have gone offshore so far and a number of the Spanish ones.According to experts, multinational companies are attracted by Morocco's geographical and cultural proximity to Europe, in addition to its time zone. In 2007 the country had about 200 call centres, including 30 of significant size, that employ a total of over 18,000 people.
The economic system of the country presents several facets. It is characterized by a large opening towards the outside world. France remains the primary trade partner (supplier and customer) of Morocco. France is also the primary creditor and foreign investor in Morocco. In the Arab world, Morocco has the second-largest non-oil GDP, behind Egypt, as of 2005.
Since the early 1980s, the Moroccan government has pursued an economic program toward accelerating real economy growth with the support of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the Paris Club of creditors. The country's currency, the dirham, is now fully convertible for current account transactions; reforms of the financial sector have been implemented; and state enterprises are being privatized.
The major resources of the Moroccan economy are agriculture, phosphates, and tourism. Sales of fish and seafood are important as well. Industry and mining contribute about one-third of the annual GDP. Morocco is the world's third-largest producer of phosphates (after the United States and China), and the price fluctuations of phosphates on the international market greatly influence Morocco's economy. Tourism and workers' remittances have played a critical role since independence. The production of textiles and clothing is part of a growing manufacturing sector that accounted for approximately 34% of total exports in 2002, employing 40% of the industrial workforce. The government wishes to increase textile and clothing exports from $1.27 billion in 2001 to $3.29 billion in 2010.
The high cost of imports, especially of petroleum imports, is a major problem. Another chronic problem is unreliable rainfall, which produces drought or sudden floods; in 1995, the country's worst drought in 30 years forced Morocco to import grain and adversely affected the economy. Another drought occurred in 1997, and one in 1999–2000. Reduced incomes due to drought caused GDP to fall by 7.6% in 1995, by 2.3% in 1997, and by 1.5% in 1999. During the years between drought, good rains brought bumper crops to market. Good rainfall in 2001 led to a 5% GDP growth rate. Morocco suffers both from unemployment (9.6% in 2008), and a large external debt estimated at around $20 billion, or half of GDP in 2002.
A reliable European ally in fighting terrorism, drug trafficking and illegal immigration, Morocco was granted an "advanced status" from the EU in 2008, shoring up bilateral trade relations with Europe. Among the various free trade agreements that Morocco has ratified with its principal economic partners, are The Euro-Mediterranean free trade area agreement with the European Union with the objective of integrating the European Free Trade Association at the horizons of 2012; the Agadir Agreement, signed with Egypt, Jordan, and Tunisia, within the framework of the installation of the Greater Arab Free Trade Area; the US-Morocco Free Trade Agreement with United States which came into force on 1 January 2006, and lately the agreement of free exchange with Turkey.

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The Ideal Language Morocco

The Ideal Language Morocco
Is there an ideal language? Descartes would say ‘yes’ if one follows his line of thinking. His argument for God’s existence is the presence of the perfect-being in our mind; it follows that a perfect or ideal language must also exist or else it would not exist in an imperfect being’s mind. Because we are finite beings, we can’t conceive of the idea of an infinite being unless the latter causes that idea to twinkle in our mind. Going back to language, why do we have the idea of an ‘ideal language’? Is there proof that an ideal language does ‘not’ exist? If there was no proof, then, what would be the criteria for this ideal language?

Before proceeding into the criteria of an ideal language, a definition of the latter is in order: an ideal language is “a language that is precise, free of ambiguity, and clear in structure, on the model of symbolic logic, as contrasted with ordinary language, which is vague, misleading, and sometimes contradictory” (Britanica.com). Otto Jespersen summarizes the criteria of an ideal language in his quote:

…that language ranks highest in the art of accomplishing much with little means, or, in other words, which is able to express the greatest amount of meaning with the simplest mechanism. (Jespersen 1993:13).

From this quote one would immediately understand that to say much with little is an indispensable criterion for an ideal language. This economy criterion should be noticed not only at the sentence structure level but also at the fundamental level of language, and thus satisfying the as-above-so-below principle of harmony, agreement and correspondence. Another criterion that goes hand in hand with brevity is simplicity. If it is complicated it is not qualified to be an ideal language.

A well-established fact in linguistics is that languages are dynamic and subject to change through time. All languages have undergone radical change before reaching their modern state. This makes change an aspect of all languages. However, should this aspect also be a feature of an ideal language? A language that changes over time is more likely to lose features that can make the language more communicative. For example, in Old Hebrew there existed a dual noun case which seems to be fading away nowadays. This case is not so unimportant to just get rid of with time since it is vital to communication and here is why: If one uses this dual noun case, one is being more precise than when only using the singular or plural noun case when referring to two pairs of something. The second case may create confusion. This dual case in Modern Hebrew is limited to nouns that come in pairs (yadaym: two hands; misparayim: pairs of scissors) only, whereas in Arabic, for instance, the language has a full-fledged dual case applicable to all nouns which was also the case in Old Hebrew.

When the language loses such features, people tend to look for a new word to refer to the dual, like ‘both’ in the English language. The word ‘both’ in English solves the problem at the expense of violating the brevity criterion. One single word that communicates the noun and its case number is better than two words (both+noun). Relying on the above, changes in language should not be an aspect of an ideal language. However, one may think that since change causes a language to lose important features, it can equally cause a language to gain features that would make communication precise and brief. Thus, a legitimate question one may ask is: Are old languages equal to modern language in terms of their communicative fluidity?

The older a language is, the more sophisticated it is. This statement may go against the current worldview about the human race that is evolving, that humans are smarter than before; and presumably whatever lies behind is primitive, including language. Languages paradoxically are heading toward more deficiency as time passes. As we dive deep into history, we find that languages used to be more perfect than now. Sanskrit, for example, at some point in the 19th century, used to be thought of being the mother of all Indo-European languages by philologists, but shortly afterward they discovered that Greek, Latin, and Sanskrit are rather sisters from which a portion of Indo-European languages sprung. The reason why they thought so is because they were bewildered by the beauty and elegance of its structure. They saw it was more perfect than the existing languages. Sanskrit is in fact a rich and beautiful language, and philologists were not mistaken after all. Latin, Sanskrit, Arabic, Hebrew, Greek, and Tamil are among the oldest and most sophisticated languages on earth.

…the history of any given language, rather than representing an increasingly complex structure as the structure of its users supposedly evolved into higher levels of complexity, seems, instead, to record an inevitable decline in complexity. (Henry Madison Morris,1996:96)

To conclude, an ideal language has to be ancient, unchanged, economical, and simple. Complexity does not necessarily mean un-simple. Simplicity is a feature that can be manifested in complexity.

The Arabic Language

Arabic is a very special language for it has features that may not be present in other languages. These special features seem to make Arabic the closest to coming to an ideal language. If this is so, does Arabic satisfy the above-mentioned criteria? The rest of this paper is about answering this question.

The building blocks of Arabic are structured elegantly. This elegance is manifested for example in its word-roots. All verbs in Arabic have roots. These roots constitute the base upon which other words are constructed or derived. If one knows the root of a word, one knows all other derivations of the root simply by applying a rule (e.g: adding diacritics or vowels) to these roots, thus having different shades of meanings from one single root. This is an aspect of simplicity. One does not have to memorize all the words in the language. Once the roots and the derivation rules are memorized, myriads of words are at one’s disposition.

Arabic words are derived using three concepts: root, pattern and form. Generally, each pattern carries a meaning which, when combined with the meaning inherent in the root, gives the sought-after meaning of the inflected form. (Philip M. McCarthy et al. 2011:385)

Other Semitic-languages share this aspect of simplicity with Arabic since they belong to the same language family. In contrast to Arabic, other languages have less simple structure. They rely on compound words (adding affixes) instead of derivations, and this may imply a sort of lengthiness or redundancy in a language.

The Arabic roots are not constructed randomly, for they tend to follow a mathematical pattern. Arabic is made up of twenty-eight letters. Any possible combination of two letters is likely to give an already-existing word in the language; mostly grammatical words. Any possible combination of three letters also has the potential to giving a word-root. The surprising thing is that 90% of the Arabic roots are composed of three letters (J. Frawley.2003:122, Ahmad Mazhar.1967:23). There are of course word-roots made up of four or five letters but they only constitute the remaining 10% of word-roots, including the two words combinations. In other words, all word-roots composed of less than or above three letters are the exceptions. This has great significance because the aspect of brevity necessitates the aggregation of word-roots in the row of three letters. This row is the most optimum for it contains a great deal of combinations. This would ultimately generate abundant word-roots with the least possible letters, namely three letters. This is called a ‘triliteral formula’ and it is the optimum formula for a language to be economical. This fundamental pattern is reflected on the macrostructure of the language as well.



The Sumerian cuneiform scripts are held to be the oldest forms of writing on earth. They are 5,000 to 6,000 years old whereas the oldest Arabic form of writing is only 2,800 years old. Arabic seems to have developed later than many languages such as Egyptian, Akkadian, Elamite, Hurrian, Hittite, Greek, Old Chinese, Phoenician, Aramaic, Hebrew and Phrygian. Arabic thus is very young compared to these ancient languages. However, do we really have knowledge about a language’s age? Unfortunately we do not. We only know when a language was ‘codified’. To put it differently, we only know when a certain nation learnt the art of writing before another. Inscriptions, manuscripts, hieroglyphs, or cuneiform tablets are not a decisive factor to fixing a language’s age.

The fact that all languages are primarily spoken and only secondarily written down, that the real life of language is in the mouth and ear and not in the pen and eye, was overlooked (Jespersen 1922:23)

Therefore, when one says, for example, that the Sumerian language is the oldest in recorded history, it does not necessarily imply that Arabic was not spoken back then in the ancient Sumerian times. Arabic, although it is believed to be a relatively recent language, seems to capture a great deal of features that may partially exist in older Semitic languages which may point to the Arabic language’s seniority over other languages.

In spite of its late appearance in history, literary Arabic displays certain features which have helped Semiticists to gain greater insight into the older Semitic languages. (Anwar G. Chejne,1969:36)

In the Islamic tradition, Arabic is believed to have existed in the times of the Great Flood. It was among eight languages that were spoken by the people that were saved in Noah’s Ark. (Tafsir ibn Kathir, 1370:Noah’s story). Cataclysmists [1], unlike evolutionists, agree that the earth experienced a spectacular and cataclysmic event between 6,000 and 10,000 years ago. Add to that, the collective memory of old myths all over the world seem to share the same story of a global flood. So if there really existed a flood, and if the Islamic tradition is right, then Arabic is at least 6,000 years old.

The source of the Arabic Language lies far beyond historic proof. (John Richardson,1777:04)

Some philologists went to the extent of claiming that the unique structure of Arabic roots shows that it could ‘not’ have been derived from any other language, thus maybe it is the ‘oldest’. (Muhammad Mazhar,1963:50)

Assuming that Arabic is a bit older than what most archaeologists, anthropologists and linguists assume, should it not have undergone a massive change throughout its journey? As said earlier, an ideal language should resist change in order to preserve its richness and perfectness.  Arabic surprisingly seems to be a language that has least likely changed over time. Because any possible combination of three letters has the potential of giving word-roots, changing the combination of three letters means falling into an already existing word-root in the language. Therefore, speakers are more likely to avoid changing the combination of word-roots to avoid confusion of meanings.  One has to stick to each combination’s meaning because the transposition of letters, known as metathesis, is very restricted. Thus, all combinations are occupied with distinctive meanings. This means that there is no space for change. The leeway for Arabic roots to change is so narrowed to tolerate sound shift, and this is only one aspect among others that make Arabic resist change and it is not within the scope of this short paper to discuss other aspects.

…this aspect of Arabic roots completely insures them against metathesis. Like the number and order of letters the accent of a letter is also perfectly fixed in that the slightest change of accent will yield a different root… (Mazhar Mohammad,1963:41)

…The spelling of Arabic is unchangeable and permanent for all time. This is in a marked contrast with other languages which have been reforming their spelling from time to time. (Ibid:42)

Arabic seems to have built-in mechanisms that make it last longer without transforming into a new language. An external factor that could also have preserved the Arabic language is the seclusion of its people in the Arabian Peninsula from the outside world in the past, which means the language was not exposed to other foreign languages’ influence.

There are, of-course, different dialects of Arabic, but the focal question is: To what extent do they differ from Old Arabic? Individuals speaking English are unable to understand Old English that existed 1,500 years ago. Moreover, individuals speaking French, Spanish, or Italian are unable to understand Latin. These two examples show that these people are unable to understand the ancestor of their native language. This signifies that their languages have been undergoing a fast and massive change. European languages seem to not only be undergoing rapid change but also to be widely diversified. The concrete example is that French, Spanish, and Italian people are unable to understand each other although their languages sprung from one common ancestor (Latin).

Now, let us compare these cases to the Arabic language. The people speaking Moroccan Arabic may understand Old Arabic although it is old. The same thing goes with Egyptians, Algerians, Tunisians and other Arabic dialects. Add to that, Arabic has not branched out into other new languages. Moroccans for example can understand Algerians, Libyans, Tunisians, and even Egyptians although they are geographically distant from one another. In contrast, Indo-European languages differ greatly from each other although they are geographically condensed into a relatively small area. This seems to suggest that the Arabic dialect continuum is wide and the language seems to maintain its mutual intelligibility. It seems it is branching out less dramatically. This could only suggest that Arabic is undergoing a slow pace of change.

Linguistics throughout the past century has established the idea that all languages are alike. This idea is well established among linguists with certain evidences presented by theoretical linguistics. For example, all languages are acquired, in relatively, the same amount of time, or that most languages abide the same syntactic rules advanced by Chomsky in his X-bar theory, for Chomsky points to the universal and eternal unchanging aspects of Language. This makes languages equal. However, can’t we give an evaluation on how communicative a language is in the light of what has been discussed above?



References

- Chejne, Anwar G. The Arabic language, its role in history. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1969. Print.

- Frawley, William. International encyclopedia of linguistics. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. Print.

- Goldziher, Ignaz, and Kinga Dévényi. On the History of Grammar among the Arabs. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Pub. Co., 1994. Print.

- “Ideal language — Encyclopedia Britannica.” Encyclopedia Britannica. N.p., n.d. Web. 9 June 2013. <http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/281782/ideal-language>.

- Jespersen, Otto. Language: its nature, development and origin. London: G. Allen & Unwin ;, 1922. Print.

- Jespersen, Otto, and James D. McCawley. Progress in Language With special reference to English. New edition. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Pub. Co., 1993. Print.

- Jespersen, Otto, and James D. McCawley. Progress in Language With special reference to English. New edition. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Pub. Co., 1993. Print.

- Justice, David . The Semantics of Rorm Arabic: In the Minor of European Languages. Nethderlands: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 1987. Print.

- Kathi?r, Isma??i?l ibn ?Umar, and Muh?ammad Nasi?b Rifa??i?. Tafsi?r ibn Kat?hi?r. London: Al-Firdous, 19982000. Print.

- Keyes, Thomas. “Is Arabic Older Than Hebrew?.” Useless Knowledge Magazine. N.p., 18 Jan. 2005. Web. 18 May 2013. <http://www.useless-knowledge.com/1234/jan/article308.html>

- Mazhar, Mohammad Ahmad. Arabic, the source of all the languages. Lahore: A Review of Religions Publication, 1963. Print.

- Mazhar, Mohammad Ahmad. English traced to Arabic. Lahore: Sunrise Art Printers, 1967. Print.

- McCarthy, Philip M. Applied natural language processing identification, investigation, and resolution. Hershey, Pa.: IGI Global (701 E. Chocolate Avenue, Hershey, Pennsylvania, 17033, USA), 2011. Print.

- Morris, Henry M., and John David Morris. The modern creation trilogy. Green Forest, AR: Master Books, 1996. Print.

- Richardson, John. A dissertation on the languages, literature, and manners of Eastern nations. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1777. Print.


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